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1 tervention-based solutions to the problem of prejudice.
2 rison of public endorsement of treatment and prejudice.
3 e nonidealities across the multiplex without prejudice.
4 al literatures on interventions for reducing prejudice.
5 n in South Florida targeting antitransgender prejudice.
6 t thinking, and how they are associated with prejudice.
7 studies of the effects of religion on racial prejudice.
8 rspectives and politics of those targeted by prejudice.
9 ting social stereotyping and contributing to prejudice.
10 ides, it must, on balance, be good to reduce prejudice.
11 osed shift toward more interactive models of prejudice.
12 upport the call for a reconceptualization of prejudice.
13 to the puzzle for determining how to address prejudice.
14 ispute the idea that there are many distinct prejudices.
15 world is one of the best antidotes to racial prejudices.
16 veness of such measures, such as preexisting prejudices.
17 igidity of children's social stereotypes and prejudices.
18 to pose different threats, elicit different prejudices.
19 nd make the case for the current theoretical prejudice: a flat Universe whose dominant constituent is
20 arch on pain control; and misconceptions and prejudices about drug abuse and addiction contribute to
21 wing: New findings challenge a long-standing prejudice against studies with low response rates; innov
22 should take care not to endorse or reinforce prejudices against psychiatric treatment and people who
23 , efforts to treat addiction are hampered by prejudice and a public view that treats it as a disorder
26 r illuminate the connection between implicit prejudice and embodied perception, suggesting new perspe
27 ncrease in positive attitudes in relation to prejudice and exclusion after the launch of Time to Chan
28 t increases in positive attitudes related to prejudice and exclusion occurred after the Time to Chang
29 nd discrimination, especially in relation to prejudice and exclusion of people with mental health pro
30 d attitudes (tolerance and support p<0.0001; prejudice and exclusion p=0.001), but not intended behav
31 al mean scores for attitude items related to prejudice and exclusion, and tolerance and support for c
34 RH, acting as the mediator between implicit prejudice and magnitude of the RH illusion and proprioce
36 suggest that it is essential for analyses of prejudice and prejudice reduction to take the predictive
38 t issues, we discuss linkages between sexual prejudice and religion, gender, sexuality, and related v
41 ourages research to move beyond the study of prejudice and to consider institutional and structural f
43 tween the negative evaluation definition of "prejudice" and the implications of this definition for c
44 our most powerful analgesics, but politics, prejudice, and our continuing ignorance still impede opt
45 to acknowledge that the attitudes that drive prejudice are attitudes that are constructed in particul
47 pattern is generated by actual interpersonal prejudice as opposed to structural constraints on meetin
53 However, evidence for this link to implicit prejudice comes from self-report questionnaire data rega
55 ess to transplantation, reciprocity, prevent prejudice, donor safety net), decisional autonomy (body
57 ialities of heme proteins that have not been prejudiced either by explicit design or by evolutionary
59 theoretical architecture of concepts (e.g., prejudice, experienced/received discrimination), drawn t
61 warm ischemia before cold storage which may prejudice graft survival and result in a greater risk of
63 and give up stigmatizing some attitudes as "prejudice." I recommend that we avoid assuming that race
65 and evil, which may foster a tendency toward prejudice in our society directed at those with skin dis
66 ate heterosexuals to reduce their own sexual prejudice, including intergroup contact, as well as aven
67 ele of the MAOA u-VNTR (MAOA-L) in adversely prejudicing information processing within a corticolimbi
72 texts (the between-level effect) on outgroup prejudice is greater than the effect of individual-level
74 sagree with Dixon et al. by maintaining that prejudice is primarily rooted in aversive reactions towa
75 ts on meeting opportunities, how severe this prejudice is, and the circumstances under which it can b
77 ated the prevalence of "benevolent" forms of prejudice; many stigmatised groups are currently the tar
84 ns us against overemphasizing evidence about prejudice over evidence about accuracy, when both are sc
87 desires; expression of objectionable social prejudices; production of movement errors; and rebounds
89 er groups has led to a dichotomy between the prejudice reduction and the collective action approach.
91 itique is the model of change that underlies prejudice reduction interventions and the mainstream con
94 What are the prospects for reconciling a prejudice reduction model of change, designed to get peo
96 nate identification, intergroup contact, and prejudice reduction techniques can undermine social chan
97 f Dixon et al. in the target article is that prejudice reduction through intergroup contact and colle
98 t is essential for analyses of prejudice and prejudice reduction to take the predictive accuracy and
99 roup relations should shift from theorizing "prejudice reduction" to "social change." A focus on soci
100 at contact has a significant role to play in prejudice reduction, and has great policy potential as a
101 of analysis involving a broader approach to prejudice reduction, awareness of potential conflict esc
103 et article challenges standard approaches to prejudice reduction, warning that they may inure people
106 -group interaction as a key mechanism in the prejudice reduction/collective action paradox and point
107 al.'s discussion on the dangers of employing prejudice-reduction interventions that seek to promote i
108 e that the causal effects of many widespread prejudice-reduction interventions, such as workplace div
109 us and broad-ranging empirical assessment of prejudice-reduction strategies is needed to determine wh
112 t article oversimplifies its presentation of prejudice researchers' primary theoretical and policy go
113 ully consider the threat-based psychology of prejudice(s) before implementing any strategy intended t
114 with Dixon et al.'s argument, I contend that prejudice should be understood in broadly political rath
115 cial biases are the result of preferences or prejudices similar to those displayed toward members of
116 are more violent, traditional overt forms of prejudice still exist and predict discrimination of ethn
118 article reviews empirical research on sexual prejudice, that is, heterosexuals' internalization of cu
119 had little effect on overall survival while prejudicing the transplant candidacy of African-American
120 irectories of participating physicians might prejudice those determinations.OBJECTIVE To determine th
121 ffective where it could tap into preexisting prejudices; those born in districts that supported anti-
123 ssociation between context-level contact and prejudice was largely mediated by more tolerant norms.
124 ey adduce little evidence to suggest that if prejudice were diminished, commensurate reductions in di
125 nity to observe reverse forms of interactive prejudice, which can interfere with prejudice reduction.
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