ライフサイエンスコーパス: violence

1 a clinically feasible risk index for firearm violence.

2 than climate of cross-societal variations in violence.

3 thin and between countries in aggression and violence.

4 mals, as well as the origins of human sexual violence.

5 dorsed the acceptability of intimate partner violence.

6 ity, especially compared with other types of violence.

7 entions for women survivors of interpersonal violence.

8 to work, or perpetration of intimate partner violence.

9 nt determinants of inhibiting aggression and violence.

10 l and societal differences in aggression and violence.

11 se as proactive strategies to decrease urban violence.

12 observed relationships between geography and violence.

13 in the poleward declension of aggression and violence.

14 They are the most visible form of firearm violence.

15 ion may play a protective role against urban violence.

16 onnaire items and is associated with firearm violence.

17 s, significantly reduce the incidence of gun violence.

18 ses, particularly HIV/AIDS and interpersonal violence.

19 ng the causes of self-harm and interpersonal violence.

20 ogical links between psychotic disorders and violence.

21 cted among Jewish Israelis during widespread violence.

22 between each disorder, substance misuse, and violence.

23 ay reflect a different form of close contact violence.

24 psychiatric disorders, substance misuse, and violence.

25 as reports per capita of crime and domestic violence.

26 ound to increase the likelihood of sustained violence.

27 fic brain areas to implicit attitudes toward violence.

28 p at high risk of perpetrating interpersonal violence.

29 climate explain cross-societal variations in violence.

30 unique opportunities to help prevent firearm violence.

31 military personnel, and victims of domestic violence.

32 awareness of effective strategies to prevent violence.

33 distress, and none reported intimate partner violence.

34 h the causal chain underlying aggression and violence.

35 ders, depressive disorders, and a history of violence.

36 sistent with more nuanced global patterns of violence.

37 d education for prevention and management of violence.

38 nd both physical and sexual intimate partner violence.

39 esource allocation for prevention of firearm violence.

40 7 with each additional report of exposure to violence.

41 ving women's past-year experience of partner violence.

42 t life history perspectives to understanding violence.

43 human-increases instrumental, but not moral, violence.

44 3 National Surveys of Children's Exposure to Violence (2008, 2011, and 2014) were combined to create

45 ent crime was observed following exposure to violence (70-177 violent crimes per 10000 persons).

46 address inequality and the normalisation of violence across the life course, and transform men's pow

47 [-2.4 to 6.0]; p=0.25), and intimate partner violence (adjusted prevalence ratio 3.0 [-10.4 to 4.4];

48 were asked to participate in the Monitoring Violence against Health Care (MVH) alert network.

49 ple were directly harmed in 402 incidents of violence against health care: 677 (72%) were wounded and

50 Collecting credible data on violence against health services, health workers, and pa

51 perpetrators may humanize victims to justify violence against them.

52 tion, reproductive health, and prevention of violence against women and children through home visits,

53 e of abuse, with childhood trauma leading to violence against women and further child maltreatment, w

54 f mental health professionals in identifying violence against women and responding appropriately, poo

55 The most common forms of violence against women are domestic abuse and sexual vio

56 Although childhood trauma and violence against women are global public health issues,

57 Violence against women by intimate partners remains unac

58 In this Series paper, we argue that violence against women is also a prominent public mental

59 Violence against women is widely recognised as a violati

60 e identifying, preventing, and responding to violence against women more effectively.

61 Violence against women was identified as a health priori

62 re associations between childhood trauma and violence against women, and fitted path models to explor

63 alth systems can enable providers to address violence against women, including protocols, capacity bu

64 ms such as women's low status in society and violence against women, these deaths and substantial mor

65 role in primary and secondary prevention of violence against women.

66 ween different forms of childhood trauma and violence against women.

67 ors might have in defining levels of partner violence among settings.

68 The overall reported prevalence of domestic violence among trauma patients was 5.7 cases per 1000 tr

69 Interpersonal firearm violence among youth is a substantial public health prob

70 controls (OR 3.0, 95% CI 1.6-5.6 for sexual violence and 12.3, 4.4-34.6 for sex work).

71 variation), and have a greater prevalence of violence and aggression (e.g., higher homicide rates).

72 To clarify the concept of de-escalation of violence and aggression as described within the healthca

73 recommended first-line response to potential violence and aggression in healthcare settings.

74 alation techniques are recommended to manage violence and aggression in mental health settings yet re

75 We contend that an ecological account of violence and aggression requires consideration of societ

76 tle is known about implicit attitudes toward violence and aggression.

77 lved in regulating implicit attitudes toward violence and aggression.

78 role in modulating implicit attitudes about violence and are crucially involved in the pathogenesis

79 examine the association between neighborhood violence and cellular and biological stress in children.

80 ded with rising YLL rates from interpersonal violence and chronic kidney disease.

81 aternal and child interventions; attitude to violence and decision making were more consistently asso

82 Children's exposure to neighborhood violence and heart rate during a stressful task were ass

83 IV self-testing were reported: interpersonal violence and mental distress.

84 ld consider as a result of the escalation in violence and more support for conciliatory policies to e

85 areer service needs of survivors of domestic violence and of criminal offenders.

86 about the acceptability of intimate partner violence and perceived norms about intimate partner viol

87 tal may indicate involvement in the cycle of violence and present an opportunity for intervention.

88 support for conciliatory policies to end the violence and promote a long-lasting agreement.

89 Gun violence and psychological problems are often conflated

90 Sexual violence and sex work were strongly associated with incr

91 targets for interventions seeking to reduce violence and use of restrictive practices through enhanc

92 The origin of human violence and warfare is controversial, and some scholars

93 ous research has investigated the effects of violence and warfare on individuals' well-being, mental

94 re associated with physical intimate partner violence, and both physical and sexual intimate partner

95 xual abuse, and exposure to intimate partner violence, and deployment-related trauma were assessed in

96 violence, intimate partner violence, sexual violence, and elder abuse, affects millions of US reside

97 posed to trauma (e.g., combat, interpersonal violence, and natural disasters).

98 holy wars, sectarian violence, gang-related violence, and other forms of intergroup conflict.

99 mental health, weight and physical exercise, violence, and physical health status and conditions, ass

100 y, facing stigma, discrimination, exclusion, violence, and poor health.

101 cidal thoughts or attempts, intimate partner violence, and resource use and costs of illness.

102 to work, suicide attempts, intimate partner violence, and resource use and costs of illness.

103 aration, unintended disclosure, gender-based violence, and stigma.

104 ender relationships and the acceptability of violence, and support greater communication and shared d

105 personal stigma, law enforcement stigma, and violence, and the interaction of gender with condomless

106 past 2 years and/or resulting from domestic violence, and those diagnosed with major depression or p

107 against women are domestic abuse and sexual violence, and victimisation is associated with an increa

108 of all-cause mortality, suicide, self-harm, violence, and victimisation, and research has outlined s

109 were less likely to condone intimate partner violence (AORs ranged from 0.29 to 0.70, with p-values r

110 Maladaptive aggression and violence are associated with dysfunction in the prefront

111 Absolute and relative risks of violence are increased in patients with psychotic disord

112 socio-political instability, and the risk of violence are reflected in the endorsement of group hegem

113 Is) are widely prescribed, associations with violence are uncertain.

114 However, direct links between climate and violence are unlikely because cultural institutions modi

115 e mental health consequences of conflict and violence are wide-ranging and pervasive.

116 r rural living conditions, and interpersonal violence) are both more intense and more common than in

117 Four participants reported intimate partner violence as a result of self-test distribution: two in t

118 capita of liquor or convenience stores, and violence as measured by reports of violent crime and rep

119 ere less likely to perceive intimate partner violence as normative (AORs ranged from 0.49 to 0.65, wi

120 ere more likely to perceive intimate partner violence as normative (AORs ranged from 2.05 to 3.51, wi

121 explains the biogeography of aggression and violence as strategic adaptation.

122 Exposure to violence (as either a victim or a witness) was significa

123 The risk of violence, as well as the risk of suicide and self-harm,

124 irearm injury occurred through interpersonal violence (assault).

125 We suggest an alternative account for less violence at high latitudes, based on a greater need for

126 ctive (Brady Campaign/Law Center against Gun Violence [BC/LC]) and less-restrictive (National Rifle A

127 eligious belief is often thought to motivate violence because it is said to promote norms that encour

128 dehumanization does not contribute to moral violence because morally motivated perpetrators wish to

129 e children exposed to high rates of domestic violence (beta, 0.088; P = .12) and violent crime (beta,

130 ere so much variation in reactive aggression/violence between people living in the same environment?

131 l disorders, and self-harm and interpersonal violence), both increases and decreases in county-level

132 intervention trials designed to reduce youth violence by improving neighborhood context.

133 Maladaptive aggression and violence can lead to interpersonal conflict and criminal

134 rated these according to MacArthur Community Violence categories.

135 imate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence, childhood trauma, and harsh parenting (smackin

136 In addition to identifying risk factors for violence, clarifying the timing of the triggers may prov

137 60; 8-19 years, 24 exposed to interpersonal violence) completed a context encoding task during fMRI

138 t (physical abuse, sexual abuse, or domestic violence), completed a fear conditioning paradigm utiliz

139 Exposure to violence continues to be a growing epidemic, particularl

140 is widespread acceptance of intimate partner violence, contributing to an adverse health risk environ

141 seeming failure of self-control in reactive violence could be caused not by a disinclination to plan

142 Precarrying distress and exposure to violence could not be fully captured because many partic

143 lore whether interventions after exposure to violence could reduce gun carrying in this population.

144 s, cirrhosis, and, since 2000, interpersonal violence drove deteriorating health outcomes, particular

145 No participants reported intimate partner violence due to HIV testing.

146 Violence during 1 year, determined by probationer report

147 es the risk of experience or perpetration of violence during adulthood.

148 lled, and presence/absence of future firearm violence during follow-up could be ascertained in 483 (5

149 s pre-baseline, and 8 (4%) committed acts of violence during the follow-up time period.

150 and other possible causes of aggression and violence (e.g., wealth, income inequality, political cir

151 Across different forms of violence, effective programmes are commonly participator

152 rrying seems to be influenced by exposure to violence (either experiencing or witnessing it).

153 n made in reducing US rates of interpersonal violence even though a significant burden remains.

154 This finding demonstrates that exposure to violence, even if a decade earlier, can hamper cognitive

155 imate partner violence (one intimate partner violence event related to partner notification or study

156 Children exposed to interpersonal violence exhibited poor memory of contexts paired with a

157 an their chronological age had twice as much violence exposure as other children and their heart rate

158 Heightened attention to threat following violence exposure may come at the expense of encoding co

159 he first study to show the effects of direct violence exposure on epigenetic aging in children using

160 are group; adverse effects included domestic violence (five [2%] in the Amagugu intervention group vs

161 re to armed attacks, sexual and gender-based violence, food security and feeding practices, nutrition

162 efforts to interrupt the cycle of abuse and violence for these victims.

163 he CLASH model using the data on climate and violence from the Russian Federation.

164 s as suicide terrorism, holy wars, sectarian violence, gang-related violence, and other forms of inte

165 Gender-based violence (GBV) represents a major cause of psychological

166 Children exposed to violence had poor memory of contexts paired with angry f

167 childhood trauma, physical intimate partner violence, harsh parenting, and other factors.

168 e years, the reported prevalence of domestic violence has been increasing among children and adults,

169 oupling may explain why some forms of sexual violence have been largely overlooked in well-studied an

170 , child maltreatment or exposure to domestic violence) have on health throughout life.

171 tive explanations for the evolution of human violence: (i) individuals resort to violence when benefi

172 opposition combatants from conflict-related violence in 6 years of war.

173 0.007 for each additional report of domestic violence in a 500-m radius of a child's home (beta [SE],

174 were more likely to condone intimate partner violence in a greater number of vignettes (adjusted odds

175 a from the UN Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the Pacific, exploring the pathways

176 nited Nations Multi-country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the Pacific.

177 PAF was for the group related to exposure to violence in childhood.

178 about the acceptability of intimate partner violence in five different vignettes.

179 al injuries largely related to interpersonal violence in past populations.

180 ing parties, and hence facilitate intergroup violence in small-scale societies.

181 thin and between countries in aggression and violence in terms of differences in climate.

182 ter models and analysis of the landscapes of violence in the 21st century.

183 e and perceived norms about intimate partner violence in the community.

184 or conversion to psychosis and likelihood of violence in the future.

185 se in reducing the impact of alcohol-related violence in the human population.

186 ventions to reduce the effect of exposure to violence in the lives of children.

187 sharp force trauma, the most common form of violence in the record, is better predicted by resource

188 SaFETy was associated with firearm violence in the validation set (odds ratio [OR], 1.47 [9

189 findings show that individuals are prone to violence in times and places of resource scarcity.

190 -0.73]; p=0.004), intimate partner physical violence in women (0.53 [0.29-0.96]; p=0.04), behavioura

191 ence are significant precursors of crime and violence in young adulthood.

192 dditional tasks and distractions), abuse and violence, inadequate team (peer) support, problems with

193 tions, a general rule is that aggression and violence increase as one moves closer to the equator, wh

194 poor environments, or (ii) participation in violence increases when there is coercion from leaders i

195 at objective exposures to neighborhood-level violence influence both physiological and cellular marke

196 duals admitted to hospital for interpersonal violence injury during childhood (cumulative incidence 2

197 Background: Hospital-based violence intervention programs typically focus on patien

198 hich includes child abuse and neglect, youth violence, intimate partner violence, sexual violence, an

199 iolence (modified version of the Exposure to Violence Inventory).

200 valence of male-perpetrated intimate partner violence (IPV) and risk factors is essential for buildin

201 Intimate partner violence (IPV) is associated with HIV infection.

202 ed psychological impacts of intimate partner violence (IPV) is derived primarily from studies conduct

203 cting firearm possession by intimate partner violence (IPV) offenders.

204 l variations in the risk of intimate partner violence (IPV).

205 Intergroup violence is common among humans worldwide.

206 when the relative impact of American firearm violence is considered.

207 ding of the biological effect of exposure to violence is critical.

208 nal claim of an association between heat and violence is not well documented, and several findings th

209 e in objectively measured crime (nondomestic violence, malicious damage, breaking and entering, and s

210 eported anger predicted approval of coercive violence management interventions; this may have implica

211 esent ACE risks for the next generation (eg, violence, mental illness, and substance use).

212 ess (Global Severity Index), and exposure to violence (modified version of the Exposure to Violence I

213 he National Survey of Children's Exposure to Violence (NatSCEV) includes a representative sample of U

214 Sexual violence occurring in the context of long-term heterosex

215 ialty probation had no significant effect on violence (odds ratio, 0.97; 95% CI, 0.69-1.36), the odds

216 e systems, programs, and policies to address violence often lack broad, cross-sector collaboration, a

217 longitudinal data sets of adolescent sexual violence on college campuses using 2 distinct groups of

218 short- and long-term effects of exposure to violence on short-term memory and aspects of cognitive c

219 examine the potential effect of exposure to violence on the associations between gun carrying and ps

220 r services did not increase intimate partner violence (one intimate partner violence event related to

221 rts of violent crime and reports of domestic violence, operationalized as reports per capita of crime

222 l abuse and only 6.4% was any form of sexual violence or assault.

223 n exposed to prior traumatic events, such as violence or natural disasters.

224 rpetration or experience of intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence, childhood traum

225 n civilians who were exposed either to urban violence or to warfare more than a decade earlier.

226 r poisonings due to self-harm, interpersonal violence, or accidents before their 15th birthday.

227 dy provides no support for the position that violence originated with the development of more complex

228 drug use and interpersonal and self-directed violence (ORs of more than seven).

229 ence of populist, nationalist, and sectarian violence, our comparison-focused approach to DCI and CL

230 ociated with children's direct experience of violence (p = 0.004) and with decreased heart rate (p =

231 1, 2001, and December 15, 2013: exposure to violence, parental bereavement, self-harm, traumatic bra

232 the role of the health system in addressing violence, particularly against women and girls.

233 Objective: To examine violence perpetration before and after a patient becomes

234 Knowledge of violence perpetration by victims of unintentional (accid

235 ssociated with all forms of intimate partner violence perpetration.

236 complications, obesity, recent interpersonal violence, pre- and early postpartum stress, gestational

237 provides additional rationale for scaling up violence prevention interventions that combine economic

238 at schizophrenia was a stronger predictor of violence (r=0.32; 95% confidence interval: 0.30-0.33) th

239 trata observed in the training data, firearm violence rates in the validation set were 18.2% (2 of 11

240 smoke-free policies could be part of broader violence reduction strategies in psychiatric settings.

241 in girls' education with a view to long-term violence reduction.

242 There were 4 instances of intimate partner violence related to study participation, 3 of which were

243 ath, and the combined outcome of firearm- or violence-related arrest ascertained through 2011.

244 Prior violence-related arrest did not differ between patients

245 uring follow-up, the cumulative incidence of violence-related arrest for patients with unintentional

246 ents: In the case-control study, the odds of violence-related arrest from 2001 through hospitalizatio

247 In the cohort study, the rates of violence-related arrest from hospitalization through 201

248 Targeted initiatives like gun violence restraining orders, smart gun technology, and g

249 iatric disorders into groups on the basis of violence risk are limited by inconsistency, variable acc

250 need for a scalable and valid tool to assess violence risk in patients with schizophrenia spectrum or

251 eases in firearm injuries from interpersonal violence (RR, 2.23 [CI, 1.01 to 4.89]) but corresponded

252 nd neglect, youth violence, intimate partner violence, sexual violence, and elder abuse, affects mill

253 Importance: Self-directed and interpersonal violence share some common risk factors such as a parent

254 fs or perceived norms about intimate partner violence should attempt to eliminate, as much as possibl

255 four earlier traumas involving interpersonal violence significantly predicted PTSD after subsequent r

256 three dimensions of empowerment: attitude to violence, social independence, and decision making.

257 sses other individual-level risk factors for violence, such as alcohol abuse.

258 ther friends' reports of experiencing sexual violence (SV) and friends' substance use risk scores pre

259 National estimates of teen dating violence (TDV) reveal high rates of victimization among

260 ggression in every society, and increases in violence tend to follow population "youth bulges." Large

261 lities were also at increased risk of sexual violence than were women without disabilities (11.0% vs

262 indings indicate that dehumanization enables violence that perpetrators see as unethical, but instrum

263 to a more positive implicit attitude toward violence that under most normal situations would be cons

264 We assessed exposure to violence through either the urban district-level homicid

265 to elicit attitudes toward intimate partner violence, to date there has been little experimental evi

266 d risk calculator (Oxford Mental Illness and Violence tool [OxMIV]).

267 comes (days unable to work, intimate partner violence toward females) did not statistically significa

268 Here we report on a case of inter-group violence towards a group of hunter-gatherers from Nataru

269 Yet, although human violence (towards others) appears to increase with proxi

270 an Lange et al. propose that climate affects violence via its effects on life history.

271 Histories of physical violence victimization (OR=1.5) and rape after age 17 ye

272 rospectively collected measures of childhood violence victimization and cognitive functions in childh

273 rospectively collected measures of childhood violence victimization and cognitive functions in childh

274 ggest that the association between childhood violence victimization and later cognition is largely no

275 ier traumas (witnessing atrocities, physical violence victimization and rape).

276 Individuals reporting a history of childhood violence victimization have impaired brain function.

277 variables fell predominantly into 4 domains: violence victimization, community exposure, peer influen

278 Firearm violence (victimization/perpetration) and validated ques

279 Recent exposure to violence was associated with lower mental health status

280 We found that higher exposure to violence was associated with lower short-term memory abi

281 cal organization, whereas others assert that violence was common and of considerable antiquity among

282 g diminished or disappeared when exposure to violence was considered.

283 tion) number of items where intimate partner violence was endorsed as acceptable was 1.26 (1.58) amon

284 The rate of domestic violence was significantly and inversely associated with

285 Although it did not specifically reduce violence, well-implemented specialty probation appears t

286 tates (n = 4,613), macrolevel inequality and violence were associated with greater individual-level s

287 ality rates from self-harm and interpersonal violence were elevated in southwestern counties, and mor

288 of human violence: (i) individuals resort to violence when benefits outweigh potential costs, which i

289 pirically assessed the effect of exposure to violence when exploring the association between gun carr

290 ontrol in the group recalling experiences of violence, whereas it had no effect in the other group.

291 anxiety and fear connected to experiences of violence, whereas the rest recalled joyful or emotionall

292 ior suggesting an acutely increased risk for violence, whether to himself or others, or when the pati

293 assessment that lacked measurement of sexual violence, which could have caused us to underestimate th

294 Interpersonal violence, which includes child abuse and neglect, youth

295 recognizes the high potential for proactive violence, while the Rousseau-Kropotkin position correctl

296 without a recent history of intimate partner violence who had not yet or had only recently linked to

297 ric hospitals is staff concern that physical violence will increase.

298 ns about the distributions of aggression and violence within and between societies.

299 or these large differences in aggression and violence within countries and around the world are lacki

300 that even in the midst of a cycle of ongoing violence within the context of one of the most intractab

301 Efforts to prevent both forms of violence would benefit from a meaningful integrated appr